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COMMENTARY ROBERT REICH Robert Reich: My Ultimate History Crash Course \| Robert Reich PLAY YOUTUBE VIDEO Original article: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SFhEoeA5Yj0 Peter Burgess COMMENTARY Peter Burgess
My Ultimate History Crash Course \| Robert Reich Robert Reich Premiered Feb 21, 2024 (Archived July 2024) 730K subscribers ... 236,971 views ... 13K likes Are we in a second Gilded Age? Is Trump really a Fascist? Why are we so politically polarized? How did corporations take over our politics? To understand the present, study the past. Transcript 0:01 Oh! Hello. I was just studying some history. We can learn a lot about our present moment from studying the past. I want to share with you six tales from history that I find especially meaningful — some from before my time, like the rise of fascism in the 1930s, Another is that I witnessed with my own eyes. Please join me for this journey through history. 0:25 Let's start with the robber barons of the 19th century. Now, you might be surprised by just how much 0:31 they have in common with today's billionaires. Watch this. The Gilded Age 0:37 Ultra-wealthy elites, political corruption, vast inequality... These problems are not new. 0:44 In the late 1800s, they dominated the country during America's first Gilded Age. 0:50 We overcame these abuses back then, and we can do it again. 0:55 Mark Twain coined the moniker “The Gilded Age” in his 1873 novel to describe the era in American history 1:03 characterized by corruption and inequality that was masked by a thin layer of prosperity for a select few. 1:11 The end of the 19th century and start of the 20th century marked a time of great invention — bustling railroads, 1:19 telephones, motion pictures, electricity, automobiles — which changed American life forever. 1:28 But it was also an era of giant monopolies — oil, railroad, steel, finance — 1:35 run by a small group of men who had grown rich beyond anything America had ever seen. 1:41 They were known as “robber barons” because they ran competitors out of business, exploited 1:46 workers, charged customers exorbitant prices, and lived like royalty as a result. 1:52 Money consumed politics. Robber barons and their lackeys donated bundles of cash to any lawmaker willing to do bidding on their behalf. 2:02 And when lobbying wasn't enough, the powerful turned to bribery, resulting in some of the most infamous political scandals in American history. 2:12 The gap between the rich and poor in America reached astronomical levels. Large numbers of Americans lived in squalor. 2:19 Anti-immigrant sentiment raged, leading to the enactment of racist laws to restrict immigration. 2:25 And voter suppression, largely aimed at black men who had recently won the right to vote, was rampant. 2:32 The era was also marked by dangerous working conditions. Children, often as young as ten years old, but sometimes younger, worked brutal hours in sweatshops. 2:41 Workers trying to organize labor unions were attacked, sometimes killed. It seemed as if American capitalism was out of control, and American democracy couldn't do anything about it 2:53 because it was bought and paid for by the rich. But Americans were fed up and they demanded reform. 3:01 Many took to the streets in protest. Investigative journalists, often called “muckrakers” then, helped amplify their cries 3:09 by exposing what was occurring throughout the country. And a new generation of political leaders rose to end the abuses. 3:16 Politicians like Teddy Roosevelt, who warned that, “a small class of enormously wealthy and economically 3:23 powerful men, whose chief object is to hold and increase their power,” could destroy American democracy. 3:30 After becoming president in 1901, Roosevelt used the Sherman Antitrust Act to break up dozens 3:37 of powerful corporations. Seeking to limit the vast fortunes that were creating a new American aristocracy, 3:44 Congress enacted a progressive income tax through the 16th Amendment, as well as two wealth taxes. 3:51 The first wealth tax, in 1916, was the estate tax — a tax on the wealth of someone accumulated during their lifetime, paid by the heirs who inherited it. 4:01 The second tax on wealth, enacted in 1922, was a capital gains tax — a tax on the increased value of assets, 4:09 paid when those assets were sold. The reformers of the Gilded Age also stopped corporations from directly giving money to politicians 4:17 or political candidates. And then Teddy Roosevelt's fifth cousin — 4:22 you may have heard of him — continued the work through his New Deal programs, creating Social Security, unemployment insurance, 4:30 a 40-hour workweek, and requiring that employers bargain in good faith with labor unions. 4:37 But following the death of FDR and the end of World War II, when America was building the largest middle class the world had ever seen — we seemed to forget about the abuses of the Gilded Age. 4:49 Now, more than a century later, America has entered a second Gilded Age. 4:55 It's also a time of extraordinary invention. And a time when monopolies are taking over vast swaths of the economy, 5:02 so we must bring new antitrust enforcement to bust up powerful companies. Now, another generation of robber barons is accumulating unprecedented money and power. 5:13 So once again, we must tax these exorbitant fortunes. Wealthy individuals and big corporations are once again paying off lawmakers, 5:22 sending them billions to conduct their political campaigns, even giving luxurious gifts to Supreme Court justices. 5:29 So we need to protect our democracy from big money, just as we did before. Voter suppression runs rampant in the States, as during the first Gilded Age, 5:38 making it harder for people of color to participate in what's left of our democracy. So it's once again critical to defend and expand voting rights. 5:47 Working people are once again being exploited and abused. Child labor is returning. 5:53 Unions are busted. The poor are again living in unhealthy conditions. 5:58 Homelessness is on the rise and the gap between the ultra-rich and everyone else is nearly as large as in the first Gilded Age. 6:07 So once again, we need to protect the rights of workers to organize, invest in social safety nets, 6:14 and revive guardrails to protect against the abuses of great wealth and power. 6:20 The question now is the same as it was at the start of the 20th century. Will we fight for an economy and a democracy that works for all rather than the few? 6:31 We've done it before. We can and must do it again. 6:40 From Teddy Roosevelt's Square Deal to Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, it took a generation to dismantle the power of the robber barons. 6:48 FASCISM But during FDR presidency, a new threat emerged. The rise of fascism. 6:54 Once again, there are disturbing parallels to the present day. Watch this. Fascism 7:00 I want to talk to you about the f-word. No, no, not that f-word. I'm talking about fascism. 7:08 Is Donald Trump really a “fascist,” as some would say? Or is the word “authoritarian” sufficient? 7:16 The term fascism is often used loosely, but you can generally identify fascists 7:21 by their hate of the “other,” vengeful nationalism, and repression of dissent. 7:28 To fight these ideas, we need to be aware of what they are and how they fit together. 7:34 Let's examine the five elements that define fascism and what makes it distinct from and more dangerous 7:41 than authoritarianism. First, the rejection of democracy in favor of a strongman. 7:49 Authoritarians believe strong leaders are needed to maintain stability. So they empower strongmen, 7:55 dictators, or absolute monarchs to maintain social order through the use of force. 8:01 But fascists view strong leaders as the means of discovering what society needs. 8:08 They regard the leader as the embodiment of society. The voice of the people. 8:13 “I am your voice.” “I alone can fix it.” 8:22 Second, stoking rage against cultural elites. 8:28 Authoritarian movements cannot succeed without at least some buy-in from establishment elites. 8:35 While fascist movements often seek to co-opt the establishment, they largely depend on fueling 8:41 resentment and anger against presumed cultural elites for supposedly displacing regular people. 8:49 Fascists rile up their followers to seek revenge on the elites. “The out-of-touch media elites,” 8:56 “The political elites,” “But the elites,” “From the elites who led us 9:02 from one financial and foreign policy disaster to another.” 9:07 They create mass political parties and demand participation. They encourage violence. 9:14 “Know what they used to do to guys like that when they were in a place like this?” “They'd be carried out on a stretcher, folks.” 9:20 “I’d like to punch him in the face, I’ll tell you.” “Knock the crap out of ‘em, would you?” “We fight. We fight like hell.” 9:27 Third, nationalism based on “superior” race and historic bloodlines. 9:33 Authoritarians see nationalism as a means of asserting the power of the state. For fascists, the state embodies what is considered a “superior” 9:43 group — based on race, religion and historic bloodlines. To fascists, 9:49 the state is a means of asserting that superiority. “When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best. 9:58 They're not sending you. They're not sending you.” Fascists worry about disloyalty and replacement 10:04 by groups that don't share the same race or bloodlines. “And I think any Jewish people that vote for a Democrat, 10:13 I think it shows either a total lack of knowledge or great disloyalty.” Fascists encourage their followers to scapegoat, expel 10:21 and sometimes even kill such “others.” Fourth, extolling brute strength and heroic warriors. 10:29 The goal of authoritarianism is to gain and maintain state power at any cost. For authoritarians, strength comes in the form of large 10:37 standing armies that can enforce their rule. They seek power to wield power. Fascists seek state power to achieve their ostensible goal, 10:47 achieving their vision of society. Fascism accomplishes this by rewarding those who win 10:55 economically and physically and denigrating or even exterminating those who lose. 11:03 Fascism depends on organized bullying — a form of Social Darwinism. 11:08 “Our people are tougher and stronger and meaner and smarter.” For the fascist, 11:13 war and violence are means of strengthening society by culling the weak and glorifying heroic warriors. 11:23 “I am your warrior. I am your justice. I am your retribution. I am your retribution.” 11:29 Fifth and finally, disdain of women and LGBTQ+ people. 11:36 Authoritarianism imposes hierarchies. It's about order. Fascism's idea of order is organized around 11:43 a particular hierarchy of male dominance. The fascist “heroic warrior” is male. 11:51 Women are relegated to subservient roles. In fascism, anything that 11:57 challenges the traditional heroic male roles of protector, provider, and controller of the family 12:04 is considered a threat to the social order. Fascism seeks to eliminate homosexuals, 12:11 nonbinary, transgender, and queer people because they are thought to challenge or weaken 12:17 the heroic male warrior. “I will ask Congress to pass a bill establishing 12:23 that the only genders recognized by the United States government are male and female, 12:29 and they are assigned at birth.” These five elements of fascism fit together 12:35 and reinforce each other. Rejection of democracy in favor of a strongman 12:40 depends on galvanizing popular rage. Popular rage draws on a nationalism 12:47 based on a supposed superior race or ethnicity. That superior race or ethnicity is justified 12:54 by a Social Darwinist idea of strength and violence, as exemplified by heroic warriors. 13:02 Strength, violence, and the heroic warrior are centered on male power. 13:08 These five elements find exact expression in Donald Trump. 13:14 His uniquely American version of fascism is rooted largely in white Christian nationalism. 13:20 It is the direction that most of the Republican Party is now heading in. It's not enough to call Trump and those promoting his ideas 13:29 authoritarians when what they are really advocating is something far worse: 13:37 fascism. Shortly after America helped defeat the fascists, something happened in 1946 13:46 that had a bigger impact on my life than anything before, or possibly since. I was born. 13:53 Since then, I've watched our country become more divided than I ever could have imagined. 13:58 But it didn't happen for the reasons the pundits claim. Watch this. Political Spectrum 14:14 Look, I got my start in American politics 50 years ago. My political views then — to grossly simplify them — 14:21 were that I was against the Vietnam War and the military-industrial complex, strongly supportive 14:27 of civil and voting rights, and against the power of big corporations. That put me here: just left of the center. 14:35 Back then, the political spectrum from left to right was short. The biggest political issue was the Vietnam War. 14:41 The left was demonstrating against it, sometimes violently. Since I was committed to ending the war through peaceful 14:47 political means, I volunteered for George McGovern, the anti-war presidential candidate. 14:53 Even Richard Nixon on the right was starting to look for ways out of Vietnam. 25 years later, I was in Bill Clinton’s cabinet, 15:00 and the left-to-right political spectrum stretched much longer. The biggest change was how much further right 15:07 the right had moved. Ronald Reagan had opened the political floodgates 15:12 to corporate and Wall Street money — bankrolling right-wing candidates and messages that decried 15:18 “big government.” Bill Clinton sought to lead from the “center,” but by then the “center” had moved so 15:24 far right that Clinton gutted public assistance, enacted “tough on crime” policies that 15:30 unjustly burdened the poor and people of color, and deregulated Wall Street. 15:35 All of which put me further to the left of the center — although my political views had barely changed. 15:42 Today, the spectrum from left to right is the longest it’s been in my 50 years in and around politics. 15:49 The left hasn’t moved much at all. We’re still against the war machine, still pushing for 15:54 civil and voting rights, still fighting the power of big corporations. But the right has moved far, far rightward. 16:03 Donald Trump brought America about as close as we have ever come to fascism. He incited an attempted coup against the United States. 16:11 He and most of the Republican Party continue to deny that he lost the 2020 election. 16:21 And they’re getting ready to suppress votes and disregard election outcomes they disagree with. 16:27 So don’t believe the fear-mongering that today’s left is “radical.” 16:39 So how did the “culture wars” we are now immersed in really get started? 16:44 There was a key moment in 1970 that surprisingly few people seemed to know about. 16:50 Watch this. Missing from most history books is a key moment leading to the culture wars now ripping through American politics. The Hard Hat Riot 16:59 In 1970, hundreds of construction workers pummeled around a thousand student demonstrators in New York City, including two of my friends. 17:08 as it came to be known, ushered in an era of cynical fear- mongering aimed at dividing the nation. 17:14 The student demonstrators were protesting the Vietnam War and the deadly shooting of four student activists at Kent State University that occurred just days before. 17:22 [Crowd chant] Peace now! The workers who attacked them carried American flags and chanted, 17:29 “U.S.A. all the way,” and “America, love it or leave it.” They chased the students through the streets, attacking those 17:36 who looked like hippies with their hard hats and steel-toed boots. When my friends in the anti-war movement 17:41 called to tell me about the riot later that day, I was stunned. Student activists and union workers duking it out in the streets over the war? 17:49 I mean, for goodness’ sake, weren’t we on the same side? According to reports, the police did little to stop the mayhem. 17:55 Some even egged on the thuggery. When a group of hardhats moved menacingly toward the action, a patrolman 18:01 apparently shouted, “Give ’em hell, boys! Give ’em one for me!” The construction workers then marched toward a barely protected city hall. 18:08 Why? Because the mayor's staff had lowered the American flag in honor of the Kent State dead. 18:13 In a scene eerily foreshadowing the January 6th Capitol riot, they pushed their way toward the building. 18:19 Fearing the mob would break in, city officials raised the flag. The hard hats also ripped down the Red Cross banner 18:26 that was hanging at nearby Trinity Church. And in their fury against university students protesting the war, 18:31 they stormed a nearby Pace University building, smashing lobby windows with their tools and beating students and professors. 18:39 Around 100 people were wounded that day, most of whom were college students. Several police officers were also hurt. 18:44 Six people were reportedly arrested, but only one construction worker. My friends escaped injury, but they were traumatized. 18:51 The Hard Hat Riot had immediate political consequences. It was, in my opinion, a seminal moment in America's culture wars. 18:59 Then President Richard Nixon exploited the riot for political advantage. His administration had been working on a “blue collar strategy” 19:07 to shift white working class voters to the Republican Party. Nixon exclaimed when he heard about the riot. 19:14 But rather than passing pro-labor policies to court workers, which would go against the values of the pro-business Republican Party, 19:22 Nixon sought to use cultural issues like patriotism and support for the troops to drive a wedge between factions of the Democratic Party — 19:30 workers without college degrees, and progressives. Nixon invited union leaders, some of whom were involved in the riot, 19:37 to the White House. They presented Nixon with a hard hat inscribed with “Commander in Chief” and an American flag pin. 19:45 Nixon praised the union workers as “people from middle America who still have character and guts and a bit of patriotism.” 19:52 Nixon’s strategy to use the Hard Hat Riot to appeal to blue-collar voters paid off. 19:58 In his 1972 re-election campaign against the anti-war Democrat, George McGovern. 20:03 Nixon secured a victory with ease and gained the majority of votes from organized labor – the only time in modern history 20:10 a Republican presidential candidate accomplished such a feat. The Hard Hat Riot revealed a deep fracture in the coalition of workers 20:17 and progressives that FDR had knitted together in the 1930s and the later alliance of Black Americans, liberals, and blue-collar whites 20:25 that led to Lyndon Johnson's landslide reelection in 1964. The mostly white construction workers who attacked the demonstrators had felt 20:33 abandoned and forgotten as the Civil Rights movement rightfully took hold. They felt stiffed by the clever college kids with draft deferments 20:41 and burdened by an economy no longer guaranteeing upward mobility. The class and race based tensions 20:48 that Nixon exploited would worsen over the next half century. I witnessed this when I was secretary of labor during the Clinton administration. 20:56 I spent much of my time in the Midwest and other parts of the country where blue-collar workers felt abandoned in an economy dominated by Wall Street. 21:04 I saw their anger and resentment. I heard their frustrations. In my view, 21:09 the Democratic Party has not done enough to respond as Republicans have destroyed unions, 21:15 exacerbated economic inequality through trickle down economic nonsense, tried to gut just about every social safety net we have 21:22 and stood in the way of practically every effort to use the power of government to help working people. 21:28 Today, the right is trying to channel that same anger and violence against the Black Lives Matter movement, the LGBTQ+ community, especially 21:37 transgender people and drag queens, and whatever else they consider “woke.” It's the same cynical ploy to instill a fear of “the other” as a means 21:45 to distract from the oppression and looting being done by the oligarchs who dominate so much of our economy and our politics. 21:53 As such, today, we face the same questions we faced in 1970. 21:58 Will we finally recognize that we have more in common with each other than with those who seek to divide us for political and economic gain? 22:05 Can we unite in solidarity and build a future in which prosperity is widely shared by all? 22:12 I truly believe that we can. Just a couple of years 22:18 after the Hard Hat Riot came another crucially important but under-recognized moment in American history. 22:25 Nearly 40 years before Citizens United, this one action made possible the corporate takeover of American politics. 22:34 Watch. The corporate takeover of American politics started with a man and a memo The Corporate Takeover 22:41 you've probably never heard of. In 1971, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce asked Lewis Powell, a corporate attorney who would 22:48 go on to become a Supreme Court justice, to draft a memo on the state of the country. Powell’s memo argued that the American economic system was “under broad attack” 22:58 from consumer, labor, and environmental groups. In reality, these groups were doing nothing more than enforcing the implicit social contract 23:06 that had emerged at the end of the Second World War. They wanted to ensure corporations were responsive to all their stakeholders 23:12 — workers, consumers, and the environment — not just their shareholders. 23:18 Powell and the Chamber saw it differently. In his memo, Powell urged businesses to mobilize for political combat, 23:25 and stressed that the critical ingredients for success were joint organizing and funding. 23:31 The Chamber distributed the memo to leading CEOs, large businesses, and trade associations hoping to persuade them that Big Business could dominate American politics in ways not 23:41 seen since the Gilded Age. And it worked. The Chamber’s call for a business crusade birthed a new corporate-political industry 23:50 practically overnight. Tens of thousands of corporate lobbyists and political operatives descended on Washington 23:56 and state capitals across the country. I should know — I saw it happen with my own eyes. I worked at the Federal Trade Commission. 24:03 Jimmy Carter had appointed consumer advocates to battle big corporations that for years 24:08 had been deluding or injuring consumers. Yet almost everything we initiated at the FTC was met by unexpectedly fierce 24:16 political resistance from Congress. At one point, when we began examining advertising directed at children, 24:22 Congress stopped funding the agency altogether. I was dumbfounded. What had happened? 24:28 In three words, the Powell Memo. Lobbyists and their allies in Congress — and eventually the Reagan administration — worked 24:36 to defang agencies like the FTC — and to staff them with officials who would overlook corporate misbehavior. 24:43 Their influence led the FTC to stop seriously enforcing antitrust laws — among other things — 24:49 allowing massive corporations to merge and concentrate their power even further. 24:54 Washington was transformed from a sleepy government town into a glittering center of corporate 25:00 America — replete with elegant office buildings, fancy restaurants, and five-star hotels. 25:07 Meanwhile, Justice Lewis Powell used the Court to chip away at restrictions on corporate 25:13 power in politics. His opinions in the 1970s and 80s laid the foundation for corporations to claim 25:20 free speech rights in the form of financial contributions to political campaigns. Put another way — without Lewis Powell, there would probably be no Citizens United 25:29 — the case that threw out limits on corporate campaign spending as a violation of the 25:34 “free speech” of corporations. These actions have transformed our political system. 25:40 Corporate money supports platoons of lawyers, often outgunning any state or federal attorneys 25:45 who dare to stand in their way. Lobbying has become a $3.7 billion dollar industry. 25:51 Corporations regularly outspend labor unions and public interest groups during election years. 25:56 And too many politicians in Washington represent the interests of corporations — not their constituents. 26:02 As a result, corporate taxes have been cut, loopholes widened, and regulations gutted. 26:09 Corporate consolidation has also given companies unprecedented market power, allowing them 26:14 to raise prices on everything from baby formula to gasoline. Their profits have jumped into the stratosphere — the highest in 70 years. 26:24 But despite the success of the Powell Memo, Big Business has not yet won. 26:29 The people are beginning to fight back. 26:35 Both at the Federal Trade Commission and the Justice Department, we’re seeing a new willingness to take on corporate power. 26:44 Across the country workers are unionizing at a faster rate than we’ve seen in decades 26:49 — including at some of the biggest corporations in the world — and they’re winning. 26:57 Millions of Americans are intent on limiting corporate money in politics — and politicians 27:02 are starting to listen. All of these tell me that 27:11 — at the ballot box, in the workplace, and in Washington. Let’s get it done. 27:17 We began today's history lesson with the Gilded Age and the robber barons, and how antitrust laws saved America from becoming an oligarchy. 27:26 So what happened to antitrust enforcement in the last 50 years? I have the answer, and it's personal for me. 27:34 Watch. Robert Reich ... Robert Bork 27:42 And I knew him! He was my professor and my boss. His name...Robert Bork 27:50 Robert Bork was a notorious conservative who believed the only legitimate purpose of antitrust law — that is anti-monopoly law — is to lower prices for consumers, no matter how big corporations get. His philosophy came to dominate the federal courts and conservative economics. I met him in 1971, when I took his antitrust class at Yale Law School. He was a large, imposing man with a red beard and a perpetual scowl. He seemed impatient and bored with me and my classmates, who included Bill Clinton and Hillary Rodham, as we challenged him repeatedly on his antitrust views. “Do you remember what they were like in class?” “No, I remember Robert Reich, because he sat up front and talked a good deal.” He's not wrong. We argued with Bork that ever-expanding corporations had too much power. Not only could they undercut rivals with lower prices and suppress wages, but they were using their spoils to influence our politics with campaign contributions. Wasn't this cause for greater antitrust enforcement? He had a retort for everything. Undercutting rival businesses with lower prices was a good thing, he said, because consumers like lower prices. Suppressing wages didn't matter because employees are always free to find better jobs. He argued that courts could not possibly measure political power, so why should that matter? Even in my mid-twenties, I knew this was hogwash. But Bork's ideology began to spread. A few years after I took his class, he wrote a book called The Antitrust Paradox, summarizing his ideas. The book heavily influenced Ronald Reagan and later helped form a basic tenet of Reaganomics — the bogus theory that says government should get out of the way and allow corporations to do as they please. Despite our law school sparring, Bork later gave me a job in the Department of Justice when he was solicitor general for Gerald Ford. Even though we didn’t agree on much, I enjoyed his wry sense of humor. I respected his intellect. Hell, I even came to like him. 30:03 Once President Reagan appointed Bork as an appeals court judge, his rulings further dismantled antitrust. And while his later 30:11 Supreme Court nomination failed, his influence over the courts continued to grow. 30:18 Bork's legacy is the enormous corporate power we see today, whether it's Ticketmaster and Live Nation 30:25 consolidating control over live performances, Kroger and Albertsons dominating the grocery market, 30:31 or just a handful of companies taking over the entire tech world. 30:36 It's not just these high profile companies either. In most industries, a handful of companies now control more of their markets than they did 20 years ago. This corporate concentration costs the typical American household an Companies have been able to jack up prices without losing customers to competitors because there's often no meaningful competition. And huge corporations also have the power to suppress wages because workers have fewer employers 31:09 from whom to get better jobs. And how can we forget the massive flow of money these corporate giants are funneling into politics, 31:18 rigging our democracy in their favor? But the tide is beginning to turn under the Biden Administration. 31:25 The Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission are fighting the monopolization of America in court, 31:31 and proposing new merger guidelines to protect consumers, workers, and society. 31:37 It's the implementation of the view that I and my law school classmates argued for back in the 1970s — 31:44 one that sees corporate concentration as a problem that outweighs any theoretical benefits 31:51 Bork claimed might exist. Robert Bork would likely regard the Biden administration's 31:56 antitrust efforts with the same disdain he had for my arguments in his class all those years ago. 32:03 But instead of a few outspoken law students, Bork's philosophy is now being challenged 32:09 by the full force of the federal government. The public is waking up to the outsized power 32:15 corporations wield over our economy and democracy. It’s about time. That concludes today's history lesson. Those who can't remember their history are doomed to repeat it. So if you've already forgotten something you learn today, go back and watch again. And please share this video with someone you think needs a history lesson. Thanks.

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